Chahar Costume from Central Inner Mongolia

Written by Ehshig, Visiting Fellow to the Mongolia Institute (2019-2020).

Traditional Mongolian costume is very rich both in design and colour. Different regions have their own local designs and characters. While the Halha, Üjümchin, Harchin and Barga dresses have elaborate decoration and ornaments, the Sünid, Dörbed and Chahar costumes are simple in comparison. The regional differences reportedly developed during the Qing Dynasty (1634-1912) because the Manchu court not only divided the Mongols into Banner systems and restricted the movements of people, but also designated different colour codes to each banner. There were 49 Banners in Inner Mongolia alone, not including eight separate Chahar Banners. Both Mongol men and women wear deel for winter or terleg for summer and both are equally colourful, but the men’s dress is a bit simpler in design and ornamentation.

Like all Mongolian costumes, Chahar costume not only adapts well to the environment and climate, while meeting the various needs of nomadic production and life, it is also known for its well-matching colours, accompanying accessories and exquisite workmanship. The Chahar costume has its own character, but also absorbed characteristics of costumes from other regions, due to Chahar’s central location amongst the Mongol banners. The Chahar region is located in today’s central Inner Mongolia at the crossroads between east and west, north and south. It was not only the geographical centre but also used to be a cultural and political centre across Mongol history. The Chahar region is centred around the famous Xanadu, Khubilai Khan’s summer residence and home to the last Mongol Khan, Ligden, who was defeated by the Manchus.

In the past, outfits worn by officials and wealthy people were covered with brocade and the hems were made from silk ribbon. The buttons were mostly made of copper or silver, while the tunics donned by herders were made from cotton. Winter deel were made of sheep wool or fox pelts. Today, there are two types of Chahar tunic, or caftan, either with or without nidurga, a semicircular ‘sleeve-extension’ with narrow cuffs attached to the end of the sleeves. Due to its shape resembling a horse’s hoof, in Chinese it is called matixiu (hoof-shaped sleeves). Traditionally the Chahar tunic had straight and rather narrow sleeves, without nidurga, but was possibly influenced by official’s fashion in the Manchu court to then add the nidurga. The nidurga come in different sizes and are usually be rolled up. They can only be elongated during the cold season, or while in mourning. The nidurga of summer robes are small and made of softer fabrics, while for winter nidurga are made of otter or fox pelt, or lamb’s wool, designed to keep the hands warm. Some local Chahar still don’t like wearing an outfit with nidurga because they think that the Chinese term ‘horse-hoof-shaped sleeve’ was discriminating against the Mongols, essentially referring to the Mongols as livestock.

Chahar family in winter deel.

During some festivals, married Chahar men and women wear waistcoats (ooj or oguji) over their deel.  The sash is an indispensable and important part of the Mongolian costume, made of cotton and silk. When the man ties his sash (bus) around his mid-riff, the coat is lifted slightly to make it comfortable for riding, while at the same time making the rider look lean and smart. A sash is not only a decoration but also acts as protection against the strong chilling wind of the grassland steppe. For men, the sash not only holds the deel tight around the waist, but has both practical and decorative functions: to hold a Mongolian knife, a fire striker and a colourful rectangular-shaped cloth pocket (with a snuff bottle inside). When unmarried women tie their sash, they should pull down the dress neatly so that a woman’s figure is evident. Like women in other regions of people with Mongolian heritage, Chahar women do not wear a sash after getting married, so they are called  ‘busuguei’, which means ‘person who does not wear a sash’.

Headwear and chest ornaments are worn only on important occasions. Traditional Chahar women’s headdresses were highly ornamented, the most typical of which was bridal head gear. Chahar women’s headdresses were luxurious and beautiful and the most eye-catching part of  Mongolian costumes. The headdress could include a bun inlaid with rubies and red corals and a forehead hoop made of pearl greenstones, a fine coral pearl chain and other precious or semi-precious stones. These were further embellished with a pair of large gold or silver earrings and with a necklace made of pearls, agate, amber, or coral.

Chahar bride with headgear, a sleeveless long waistcoat over the deel.

The Chahar costumes not only constitute the epitome of artistic craftmanship, but also play important social functions. For example, Chahars have the custom of giving each other traditional outfits to express their good wishes. In addition, in the eyes of the Mongolian people, the Mongolian tunic is very sacred. Traditionally, the expected etiquette was that when people wear Mongolian dress, they should also wear a Mongolian hat and boots (at least riding boots), and tie a sash around the waist.

Modern Chahar clothing, however, is a mixture of traditional and modern styles. Chahar Mongolians usually wear sheep-tailed leather hats in spring and winter. In recent times, more Mongolian men from Chahar wear Western style hats, while women wear small domed hats, while men wear runners instead of riding boots and an increasing number of young women wear high-heeled riding boots. Chahar women no longer wear ancient headdresses and exquisitely-made long waistcoats and robes, nor do men wear waistcoats, fire sickles or knives. There are people of Chahar heritage, however, who are keep the traditional Chahar women’s headdresses and men’s outfits and accessories as an important part of their cultural heritage.

Modernized Mongolian costume worn by a Chahar woman.

References

http://xilinguole.nmgnews.com.cn/system/2018/04/10/012478405.shtml

http://www.nmg.gov.cn/art/2018/7/2/art_216_184122.html

https://new.qq.com/omn/20180523/20180523A1PUHW.html

Ming Rui. 2013.”The costumes of Chinese Mongolian.” Yuan Fang Publishing House, Inner Mongolia publishing group, Hohhot, Inner Mongolia.

 

A Missing Stanza from Natsagdorj’s Poem, ‘My Native Land’

By W. Juna.

There has been a lot of recent discussion over the Chinese government’s new ‘bilingual’ education policy in Inner Mongolia. This new policy has  reduced Mongolian language instruction in favour of instruction in Chinese (Also see a post by Prof. Christopher Atwood).

From September 2020, first year Mongolian school children are now required to learn in Chinese, along with their mother tongue. Mongolian textbooks of Morality and Law as well as History will also be replaced with textbooks written in Chinese from 2021 and 2022. The reform not only reduces Mongolian as a medium for teaching and learning, replacing social science subject textbooks, but will also alter the content of Mongolian textbooks. A quick perusal of the new Mongolian language and literacy textbooks reveal that well-known Mongolian authors’ works have been replaced with translated works of Chinese authors. The historical story of Chinggis Khan’s youth, ‘Temüjin’s Childhood’, for example, was replaced by Mao Zedong’s ‘Serve the People’, while the poem ‘Mongolian Language’, written by famous Mongolian writer and scholar B. Rinchin has been replaced by a translation of Chinese writer Weiwei`s ‘Who is the Dearest Person’, an essay paying homage to the Chinese Voluntary Army during the Korean War in the early 1950s. If such changes are conspicuous upon comparing the new textbooks with the old ones, other changes are not as immediately evident, such as the disappearance of the last stanza from Natsagdorj’s most famous poem ‘My Native Land’ (see poem below).

Borjgin Dashdorjiin Natsagdorj (1906-1937). Source: Wikipedia.

Dashdorjiin Natsagdorj was a Mongolian poet, writer, playwright, and one of the founders of Mongolian modern literature. Within his short lifespan of 31 years, he produced a copious body of works. The poem ‘My Native Land’ was published in the early 1930s and is one of the classics of Mongolian literature. In this poem, the author praises the pristine nature of Mongolia and infuses the lines with pride in the heroic history of the past, the enjoyment of the present and hope for the future. Originally it consisted of 12 stanzas, but is known to Mongols with 13 stanzas. The last stanza reads:

The mother tongue we learn from childhood is a legacy we cannot forget

The homeland we live eternally is a place we cannot depart from

The name Mongol has glory in world history

The heart of all Mongols beats with our homeland Mongolia

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful.

 

According to Professor Kazuyuki Okada in 1955, the 13th stanza, or last stanza, was added to the poem, which was taken from one of his later poems on history by the compilers of the collection of Natsagdorj’s work after his death. This expanded version has become well known across the Mongolian plateau, taught within schools both in Mongolia, as well as Inner Mongolia for decades. In Inner Mongolia, the poem has been included in the Mongolian high school Language and Literature textbook. Thus, hardly anyone remembers that the last stanza was from a different poem.

Natsagdorj’s beautiful rhymes delicately capture the nature of the Mongolian plateau and the Mongols love for their magnificent home and hence pulled at the heart strings of all Mongols. In particular, the 13th or the last stanza of the poem, has been recontextualized in a variety of contexts, ranging from the cultural revitalization movement, to a calligraphy competition, to an online advertisement of Mongolian-themed products (see Figure 1 below). The last stanza, which centers on the mother tongue and a connection to the homeland, evokes pride in Mongolians’ and a love for their language, culture and nomadic pastoral lifestyle.

The last stanza of My Native Land with the image of Genghis Khan (Source: WeChat post.)

Not surprisingly the deletion of this part from the poem in the recently revised textbook caused resentment among Mongols. The editors of the new textbooks may have been unaware of the fact that the last stanza was not in the original part of the poem. Even if they were aware, however, removing this emotionally-loaded stanza, in the context of a highly controversial education reform, makes it an intellectual and political issue. Put in context of the removal of other pieces of Mongolian history and culture from other textbooks, it is clear that the editors of the textbooks aimed to discourage young Mongols’ from an attachment to their language and cultural heritage. This unscrupulous removal of text has further fuelled Mongolians’ dissatisfaction and anger with the proposed new model of education. By tampering with the poem, reformers, who seek to depoliticize ethnic culture and identity, perhaps unwittingly politicized the famous poetry text.

 

My Native Land (Translation by John Gombojab Hangin)

Magnificent are the ridges of the Khentei, Khangai and Sayan.

Forest-covered mountains are the beauty of the north

Vast are the Gobis of Menen, Sharga and Nomin

Seas of sand dunes, supreme in the south

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

Crystal-clear are the rivers of Kherlen, Onon and Tola

Health-giving fountains and hot springs abound

Deep-blue lakes of Kubsgul, Ubsa and Buir

Brooks and freshets quench the thirst of man and beast

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

Splendid are the rivers of Orkhon, Selenge and Khokhul

Abundant are the mountain passes rich in minerals

Ancient monuments, ruined cities galore

Broad are the highways that vanish into the distance

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

Snow-capped mountains gleam from afar

Clear blue skies over steppe, plain and field

Majestic glacial peaks are visible far off

Vast airy valleys which calm the mind of man

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

Between Khangai and Altai lies the Khalkha land

Where we galloped to and fro since childhood

The long low foothills where we hunted deer and game

The beautiful valleys and hollows we raced our swift steeds

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

Undulating sea of grass, when touched by the gentle breeze

Enchanting are the mirages of the wide open plains

Land with severe terrain that produces the best of men

Here are the sacred heights, worshipped since times of yore

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

Luxuriant pasturelands full of fine grass

Here is wide open country criss-crossed by our tracks

A land to move as we like in all the four seasons

Where the soil is rich for the five kinds of grains

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

The sacred mountains where our forefathers rest

The land where our children grew, and rear their children

The meadow and valleys filled with the five kinds of stock

Here is the land which entrances all us Mongols

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

In the winter’s tingly cold-a blanket of ice and snow

The land shines like a crystal mirror

In the warmth of summer season- flowers and leaves unfold

Land where distant birds come to sing their songs

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

The fertile virgin lands between Altai and Khangai

Land of our eternal destiny where ancestors lie

Land grown mellow under the golden rays of the sun

Land grown eternal under the silver moon

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

Homeland of our ancestors since the days of the Hsiung-nu

Land of great might in the days of the blue Mongols

Land we become more accustomed to with every passing year

Land where now the crimson flags flutter

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

Beloved country of us all who were born and die here

The enemy who dares invade our soil shall perish

Let us build our revolutionary state on the land ordained

Then let us march head high towards the brave future new world

This is my native land

Mongolia the beautiful

 

References:

Kazuyuki Okada, ‘D. Natshagdorjiin “Minii nutag“ ba “Tüühiin shüleg”-iin xarichaa’, in B. Mönhbayar eds, IIh Zoholch D. Natsagdorj Shine Sudalgaa II (Ulaanbaatar, 2017), pp.40-54.

John Gombojab Hangin, ‘Dashdorjiin Natsagdorj (1906-1937)’, in The Mongolia Socieity Bulletin Vol 6. No. 1(11), 1967, pp. 15-22.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Concerned Parents Opposed to Proposed Changes to Mongolian Language Texts, Inner Mongolia

By Prof. Li Narangoa

Mongolian schools in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China started from 31 August this year. The start of school, however, filled the hearts of parents, teachers and students with concerns, anxieties and resentment. On the 26 August, 2020, an announcement was made by the Inner Mongolian Bureau of Education, just a few days before the beginning of school. Most parents subsequently refused to send their children to school, as they were opposed to the newly announced proposal, particularly the introduction of Chinese language teaching from the first year of school and the replacement of Mongolian History and Politics textbooks with Chinese. Rumours about this change had been circulated on social media since late June 2020. No explanation was given by the local offices of education despite frequent requests from concerned parents. Even the Inner Mongolian Bureau of Education, which is the highest organisation managing education matters in Inner Mongolia, shocked both parents and teachers by remaining silent until the proposed changes were announced. Thousands of petitions with over tens of thousands of signatures were submitted to local governments and the Bureau of Education, as well as the government of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region, in an effort to revoke the proposal.

Inner Mongolia is one of five Autonomous Regions founded in 1947 and became part of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. The administrative language was decreed to be in both Chinese and Mongolian at the time, but Chinese has become the dominant language. Hence the broader language environment, especially for those living in urban areas, is Chinese. The main media outlets are in Chinese. Parents have been struggling to maintain Mongolian as the mother tongue of their children in urban areas. The Inner Mongolian school education system has been successful producing bilingual students fluent in both their mother tongue and in Chinese. Promoting Chinese as the ‘National common language’ was, therefore, viewed by Inner Mongolians as unexpected and unnecessary.

Parents’ protests have been based on three aspects, based on wellbeing, cultural and legal factors. First and foremost, parents and teachers have been concerned about the wellbeing of their children. Currently, Mongolian school children learn Mongolian, their mother tongue, from year one and Chinese and English from year two and three of their schooling. With the current curriculum, teachers were already struggling to finish all the content within the Mongolian language textbook. If Chinese were to be added to this, it would place a much larger workload on young children. Moreover, the newly proposed Chinese textbook is the same as the one used by their Han Chinese peers. In general, school children under the Chinese curriculum would have learned approximately 3000 characters by the time they enter their first year of schooling. Hence it would be an incredible pressure on Mongolian children, who would be starting with no knowledge of Chinese characters to learn in Chinese and be expected to achieve the same level of results.

Parents are apprehensive that bureaucrats do not understand the wellbeing of their children. They do not want their children to become learning machines, concerned about their childrens’ mental and physical wellbeing when pushed to such an extent. Reportedly, the contact hours for the first year of school will be extended from 26 to 33 hours per week. The proposal by some local school administrators to add after-hours tutorials in order to assist the Mongolian children to catch up, would further extend the learning hours and children would then have to complete their homework in the evening! Beyond immediate concerns, the parents are also apprehensive about their childrens’ futures and how this change of curriculum would effect results within the national university entrance exam. Previously, Mongolian high school children were able to answer the exam questions in Mongolian and the Mongolian language exam was one of the main subjects. If Mongolian students start to learn Chinese alongside their Han Chinese peers and have to take Chinese language as the main subject rather than Mongolian, they would be required to compete against millions of Han Chinese students. One or two marks of difference within an exam result can make a huge difference as to the university the student can attend. The higher the marks, the better the chance the student has to enter a good university, which is inevitably linked to a better career.

Second, parents are also concerned that their children won’t be able to learn their own language properly if the two main social science subject textbooks (history and politics/morality and law) will be in Chinese and taught in Chinese. These two subjects are important for learning academic vocabulary and developing analytical thinking in their own language. If these subjects are replaced with Chinese textbooks, there is the potential to not develop deep and precise modes of expression in either language. This would not only effect their children’s personal development but could also be detrimental for the future of the Mongolian language and script. Parents have been expressing a fear that if these two main subjects are initially changed then other subjects changes are likely to follow. They are concerned that if the proposal is implemented there will hardly be anyone writing and publishing books in Mongolian in the near future and that would be the end of the Mongolian language and script. Inner Mongolian protestors are not opposing the use of nationally unified textbooks but the plan to change the teaching delivery from Mongolian to Chinese and replacing the Mongolian with Chinese textbooks. Apart from the language textbooks, the Inner Mongolian schools have been using Mongolian textbooks translated from Chinese and parents are requesting to translate the new nationally unified textbooks into Mongolian. The change will also impact Mongolian teachers. They will have to be re-trained or removed from the position to do something other than teaching.

Third, parents argue that the proposal not only did not involve broader consultation with the Mongolian community, nor an official status as a lawful document: no numbers, no stamps, nor an official red letterhead (hongtou wenjian). Therefore, they pointed out that the document is against the Chinese Constitution (Article 4), as well as the self-rule law for ethnic regions of the Peoples Republic of China (Article 36). Both laws grant ethnic minorities the right to use their own language as a means of education. The Inner Mongolian protestors argue that this is not promoting ethnic harmony, as the proposal claims, but will cause social and ethnic conflict if implemented. Inner Mongolia has been a ‘model’ Autonomous Region without significant protests at this scale. Mongols are recognised for living in accordance with the Central Government and Communist Party, but Inner Mongols could lose their trust in the government if this proposal were not revoked.

Mongolian parents’ resistance has been a peaceful one, keeping their children at home and submitting petitions. They have been determined not to cause any unrest. The parents’ simple means of peaceful resistance, however, has faced huge pressure by the local authorities to send their children to school. Parents who went to pick up their children from schools but were prevented by local security guards in some places were mistakenly represented as demonstrators on the street and as trouble-makers by some media outlets, distributed further by Western social media. Most parents seem to think that these pressures have been carried out by some local corrupt officials who get used to bullying citizens and lying to the authorities above them, while acting unlawfully. They believe that the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Government and the Chinese Central Government will take appropriate measures to question these corrupt officials and they have been hoping that both level of government will listen to their petitions. Whether parents’ peaceful requests and petitions will be heard by the authorities remains to be seen.

Petition signed by Mongolian primary school class parents, Hohhot, Inner Mongolia.

Further readings:

https://madeinchinajournal.com/2020/08/30/bilingual-education-in-inner-mongolia-an-explainer/

https://www.languageonthemove.com/will-education-reform-wipe-out-mongolian-language-and-culture/

 

Hanggai: Galloping Across the Mongolian Steppe Between Different Worlds of Music

By Dr Gesar (Gaz) Temur

Gesar finished his Doctor of Philosophy from the ANU in 2015. He continues as a Visiting Fellow at the ANU Mongolia Institute.

Hanggai is a music band from Inner Mongolia, China. The band made their name by playing and singing traditional Mongolian songs with a modern twist. Hanggai’s fame extends from the grassy Mongolian plains and the Altai Mountains, across the Eurasian Steppes to the Volga in Europe, and as far down under in Australia. The modern punk and rock music flowing from the Morin Khuur (horse-head fiddle) and banjos, along with Khoomii (throat singing) and Urtiin duu (long song) reminds the listener of galloping horses.

“Hanggai”, symbolises a natural landscape of sprawling grasslands, rivers, and mountains with green trees under blue skies and is the name adopted by the group, formed in 2004. The band is made up of seven members – band leader Ilchi and singer Hurcha – and others who play horse-head fiddle, electric guitar and percussion.

Hanggai’s extensive, melodic and broad range of music and its interactive performance are regarded as a breath of fresh air in the music world with its crossover hybridisation of folk with contemporary music.  In 2018 the band won a national competition hosted by state broadcaster, China Central Television, gaining millions of fans across the world. Hanggai is a highly successful Mongolian group in both Europe and China.

In an interview on 26 June 2020, the band’s leader, Ilich, told me that ‘this distinctive Mongolian repertoire of sounds relates to our unique Mongol music which represents modern Mongolness. I would say that we are folk music revivalists who use a crossover form of modern and folk music to articulate the values which are embedded in our modern community, especially ethnic Mongolians in China and those who have left and live abroad’.

Ilich continued, ‘The world is changing rapidly due to modernisation and Mongolians are one of the last nomad [cultures] left in the world. We want to send out the message that the preservation of the environment is a way of life for us. The rich Mongolian herding culture – the harmonious way of life alongside nature and animals – is believed to be an important aspect of life, so it must be maintained. We want to tell people that we use our music to promote cultural heritage and thus preserve the environment, our language, and way of life and to stress how important it is that these aspects are respected.’

Ilich explained that Hanggai travel to many continents and countries each year to feature the world of Mongolian music. I asked Ilich what they all have been doing during the COVID-19 lock down: ‘We pretty much have spent time with family and composed music’. The plan for the rest of 2020, from July to November, is that they will perform forty-odd shows, entitled Heading North- Homeward Journey’, in approximately forty cities across China’.

‘Currently, we are practising in our yurt in the countryside and getting ready for the music tour. July and August is the most beautiful time to spend on the Mongolian steppe and our hearts and souls are closer to nature here. We hope that Australian fans and friends will see us in person after the pandemic and that you will all follow us on social media.’

Globalisation and industrialisation have brought huge challenges to local cultural identity and the environment in Inner Mongolia in China. Cultivation and the industrial development of pastural land have not only been causing environmental degradation but also the loss of the Mongolian lifestyle in the form of nomadic pastoralism. Herders are not permitted to herd their animals and have been forced to settle, or look for jobs in cities. This migration into cities and towns, where Chinese is the dominant language, is causing the gradual loss of Mongolian language and other cultural attributes. To avoid loss, modern musicians are clinging onto their cultural roots through a contemporary use of ‘in-betweenness’.

What has made Hanggai so successful in China and the rest of the world is there is a cultural revival in nomadic pastoralism as a concept, yet the way of life has been influenced and changed by the outside world. Hanggai’s music in the contemporary context belongs in this category. Their lyrics and vocal styles express an explicit connection with Mongol perspectives with regard to nature, the foundation of which is the deep reverence for the natural world, the animals that they herd and their surroundings, a worship of the Blue Heavens (Tenger) and a respect for their elders.

 

O, the silence of the Hanggai

stretches to the distant horizon

 

Silent as the grave

Filled with the fragrance of frankincense.

 

O, Hanggai, endless prairie

Give me freedom in life and a great heart 

 

Long live my homeland

Ancestors gave us our ancient gods

 

Who to pass on to? Give us the wisdom to survive 

The cradle of heaven is our inheritance

 

O, blue Hanggai

Melding with the distant horizon.

Horses roam over the green prairie

 

O, vibrant Hanggai

Hanggai, the endless steppe

 

Song translated from the album “He Who Travels Far”, listen here:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EHvUruU5BH8

All images are from Hanggai’s Chinese website and used with the permission of the band.

 

Links to Hanggai information online:

https://hanggaiband.com/

https://www.facebook.com/pages/category/Musician-Band/Hanggai-896344303871919/

https://www.weibo.com/hanggaiband?refer_flag=1005050010_&is_all=1

Шигэp Шигэp https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Iwzwr2VduLs

Hanggai – Baifang (Official Video) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nNJ_FtYbTtc

 

The Changing Face of Mongolia

The Changing Face of Mongolia: Maintaining cultural traditions in a globalized world

By Joseph Fernandez

Figure 1. Naran Tuul Market Entrance.

 

Over half the population of Mongolia was born after 1991, meaning the median age is just 28-years-old. This young demographic plays an important role in shaping the culture and identity of Mongolia but is at times at odds with the traditions of older generations. During my time in Mongolia, as part of an intensive field-based course, this generational divide was clearly apparent.

In Ulaanbaatar, it is almost impossible to miss the signs of westernisation amongst Mongolia’s youth. As we walked past teenagers in vans and through the countless stores selling fake Louis Vuitton in the famous Naran Tuul Market, or Black Market, it became obvious how pervasive American style and culture had become amongst young Mongolians. Our tour guide, a 20-year-old university student who studied at the National University of Mongolia, talked about his favourite hip-hop stars and NBA players. Basketball has become one of the most widely watched sports in Mongolia, despite the national team not being ranked in the FIBA World Cup. The longer we spent in Mongolia the clearer it became that Americanisation had increased exponentially in the last couple of decades, driven primarily by the country’s young people.

Out in the country, there is a far greater level of connectedness to the traditional Mongolian culture and lifestyle. Nomadic kids wear the traditional clothing, or deel, as they play together outside their yurt (ger), whilst a few older teenagers and young adults speed around on motorbikes herding livestock. Here, many people are using technology to help keep the nomadic way of life thriving. Mobile solar panels are set up next to gers and trucks help to ease the seasonal movements of gers throughout the year. An interesting observation that we made was the lack of people our own age out in the countryside. Despite being there in the height of summer, there were hardly any university-age students. It became apparent through talking with local people that many young people had moved to Ulaanbaatar, a move that many older people struggle to come to terms with. Giving up the nomadic lifestyle is, for older Mongolians, turning your back on an ancient and central part of the Mongolian way of life.

Many young Mongolians have moved to Ulaanbaatar in search of a different future and better work or study prospects. Many also move in search of a community bigger than those that exist in small towns or more rural provinces (aimag). With families who desire a retention of a pastoral way of life, young people’s relationships with their parents can become strained. A network of youth centres have opened up around Ulaanbaaatar in recent years, offering a place to meet and create communities. These centres also provide essential information about important issues that are particularly relevant for young people, such as reproductive and sexual health. With sex education rarely taught in high school, these centres and services are vital in helping to educate young Mongolians in preventing STIs and unplanned pregnancies.

Another aspect of the generational divide in Mongolia is the treatment of LGBTQI+ people. Homosexuality was illegal in Mongolia until 2002, and it was only in 2014 that a law was passed to include attacks against queer people as a hate crime. However, members of the community have continued to be victimised, with 80% of people who identified is LGBT having experienced some form of human rights abuse or discrimination in the past three years. This wasn’t always the case. Before the communist revolution in 1921, society largely accepted LGBTQI+ people. Many queer people became shamans, who were gender diverse. With the advent of urbanisation and the breakdown of nomadic family microcosms, the idea of ‘otherness’ emerged, and the criminalisation of homosexuality soon followed. Now, these ideas still permeate many communities, even amongst young people. A UN report found that nearly 87% of queer people in Mongolia hide their sexual or gender identity from their friends and family. However, in recent years there has been a growing tolerance amongst young people, which can be attributed to both the work of NGO’s and activists in Mongolia, increasing exposure in popular culture and ease of access to the Internet.

The connectivity created by new technology in recent decades has enabled young people to interact easily and create communities online. Whilst this has led to a dramatic increase in non-Mongolian media and culture coming into the country and being consumed by youth, there has also been successful efforts to partake in and spread aspects of Mongolian culture. Mongolian fashion, photography and art has flourished on platforms such as Instagram and opened up Mongolia to a global audience. Musicians such as The Hu and Magnolian have incorporated Mongolian melodies and instruments into their music to widespread success with both bands garnering millions of streams on Spotify. It is clear that some young Mongolians are using their platforms online to spread and actively partake in Mongolian culture in the face of globalisation.

Mongolia’s youth are becoming increasingly urbanised, drifting away from the traditions of older generations. Some efforts are being made to blend the old and the new, but it remains to be seen how Mongolian culture will change and hopefully flourish in a globalised world.

 

Joseph Fernandez is currently studying for a Bachelor of Law (Hons) and International Relations at The Australian National University.

http://www.fiba.basketball/rankingmen

https://www.unfpa.org/news/young-people-mongolia-finding-places-where-secrets-are-safe

http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/mongolia_human_devlopment_report_2016_english_full_report_2016_06_28.pdf

https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/long-reads/article/2103383/lgbti-mongolia-fighting-rights-and-recognition

https://medium.com/@WorldLearning/embracing-the-lgbt-community-in-mongolia-563f230d0f37

 

Mongolia’s Measures against COVID-19

 

Artist: Ts Orgil.

Mongolia’s Measures against COVID-19

Itgel Chuluunbaatar & Li Narangoa

With the outbreak of COVID-19, as a country Mongolia was expected to have a high number of cases given its proximity with China and a vulnerable health care system. Despite all the odds, the Mongolian government has managed the COVID-19 well with timely management and strict rules. Unlike other countries, Mongolia took immediate measures to prevent and combat the COVID-19 outbreak, well before the first case was confirmed. Mongolia became the second country in the world to close its border to travellers from China, starting on the 25th of January 2020.

The experience of combating the SARS epidemic in 2003 and 2009 was still fresh in the minds of Mongolians and this gave the government the confidence to act decisively. Previously, when SARS cases crossed the southern border from China, Mongolia immediately closed the borders and put in place social distancing measures. Some observers commented then that Mongolia was overreacting but it turned out Mongolia’s stringent measures paid off and within days Mongolia was able to contain the spread with only one internal transmission, while other Asian countries struggled for much longer to tame the spread of the SARS virus.

With the coronavirus, social distancing was introduced long before the first case was confirmed. All kindergartens, schools and universities were closed from the end of January and studies were changed to online modules. Special television programmes were released, dedicated for secondary school students and students were required to submit their homework through social networking platforms. So far 480 online courses and 206 textbooks have been uploaded to a dedicated website (www.econtent.edu.mn). Currently, school and university closures will continue until the 30th of April 2020 with the possibility of extension if the situation does not improve.

In February, the Mongolian president, Khaltmaa Battulga, issued a decree not to publically celebrate the biggest holiday in Mongolia, the Mongolian Lunar New Year, Tsagaan Sar. The president asked people to celebrate at home and meet friends online instead of visiting each other to avoid any possible transmission. The government closed down all roads between cities and provinces to limit movement during the festive season.

Despite discouraging his citizens from gathering, the President visited China on the 27th of February to show Mongolia’s solidarity with the Chinese government and its people in this difficult time. He was the first Head of State to visit China after the outbreak and donated 30,000 sheep. The Mongolian press observed the visit as a brave and smart diplomatic and humanitarian move. The delegation quarantined themselves for 14 days upon returning.

Thanks to the immediate measures taken, Mongolia has only 15 cases confirmed out of 4048 tests as of the 6th of April, including two successfully recovered patients. Currently 2272 people are under observation in quarantine. All 15 cases were from overseas.

The first case was confirmed on the 10th of March through a French citizen, who works in Mongolia, returning from a holiday in France. He stirred up controversy, as he did not follow the rule of self-quarantine for 14 days. He travelled in a train and visited a mine to conduct training. As a result, 120 contacts were quarantined as an immediate measure to prevent potential spread of the virus and over 500 indirect contacts were placed under medical observation. Fortunately, all of them tested negative. Mongolian citizens were shocked by the Frenchman’s irresponsible behaviour and demanded the government take stricter measures on foreign citizens entering Mongolia. Mongolia subsequently closed flights between European nations after this first confirmed case. The company responsible for the Frenchman donated 1 billion MNT (AUD600,000) to support the government’s endeavours in the fight against the spread of the disease.

Eleven out of 14 other cases were from Mongolians returning from abroad, via the government’s chartered flights and as a result of testing positive upon arrival. Over 6000 Mongolians have submitted requests for chartered flights when the virus spread globally. Due to limited quarantine space, Mongolia is delaying future chartered flights.

The Mongolian Ministry of Health has made daily announcements at 11am on COVID-19 related issues but also send text messages to mobile users several times daily to remind the public of the importance of social distancing, washing their hands and wearing masks. This has resulted in almost everyone in the street wearing face masks, while strolling through Ulaanbaatar. The shops and stores are well stocked. People do not seem to be hoarding supplies nor have there been battles for toilet paper. The Mongolian Prime Minister assured citizen’s that there is enough meat and other supplies in the national reserve until the end of this year.

Mongolia’s effective control of the outbreak of the coronavirus is partly because it acted in a timely manner, but also because Mongolia is used to acting upon the spread of animal disease outbreaks, such as foot and mouth, whereby the most recent occurrence was a couple of years ago in western provinces. Restriction of movement of human and animals takes place as soon as these kinds of zoonotic outbreaks occur.

Since 2018, Mongolia has been using a Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) system to track the mobility of people in all administrative areas outside Ulaanbaatar to improve the preparedness for natural disasters. The DTM technology has also been used to manage COVID-19 by monitoring peoples’ movements to and from the capital of Ulaanbaatar. Over 400 health and educational personnel were placed at six major checkpoints across the city to collect data on aspects such as people’s length of stay in their point of origin and destination, as Ulaanbaatar is the political and economic hub of Mongolia and presents a potential major source of the virus to the rest of the country.

Like the rest of the world, Mongolia is expected to have serious economic decline in the coming year due to slowing global trade and limited domestic business. To minimise the economic and social impacts of the virus, the government has announced special measures, cancelling individual income taxes and social insurance payments from employees and employers for six months from the 1st of April 2020. All legal entities with less than MNT1.2 billion annual income are also given these tax exemptions. The government announced an additional MNT10,000 for each Mongolian child per month. Despite these measures, with large international bond payments due in the coming years, the Mongolian government will face huge challenges to handle the longer-term economic impacts of the virus.

Links:

https://en.unesco.org/news/mongolia-students-embarked-remote-learning-response-covid-19

https://www.amicusmongolia.com/coronavirus-mongolia-update.html

https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2020/04/02/the-world-bank-approves-269-million-for-mongolias-covid-19-coronavirus-emergency-response

https://migration.iom.int/reports/mongolia-–-flow-monitoring-ulaanbaatar-covid-19-preparedness-–-situation-report-33-1-april

https://migration.iom.int/reports/mongolia-–-flow-monitoring-ulaanbaatar-covid-19-preparedness-–-situation-report-33-1-april

https://www.voanews.com/archive/mongolia-adopts-tough-anti-sars-measures

The Secret History of Star Wars

This is a blog post was written as part of the ANU’s ‘Modern Mongolia’ field course held in Mongolia in July 2019.

The Secret History of Star Wars: Padmé Amidala – Queen, Senator or Mongolian princess?

By Georgie Juszczyk

Note: This blog also contains spoilers for the star wars movie franchise.

The Star Wars franchise is big. Really big. Its box office earnings alone total an estimated $9.323 billion. That is without accounting for the television shows, video games, books, graphic novels and merchandising (think the ‘Baby Yoda’ plush toys about to be released in 2020) that comprise the behemoth franchise.

Part of this success is its incredibly detailed world-building. This includes everything from the ‘Cantina Bar’ song, to the intricate lore that underlies each character and their back story, to the costumes.

Particularly famed, is the character Padmé Amidala and her ensemble of fantastic, rich raiment. She is the love interest of Anakin Skywalker, as well as Queen and Senator of Naboo (the planet is the scene of the climactic battle in Star Wars: Episode I – The Phantom Menace). Her character is one possessed with dignity, strength, and royalty (although if you were really nerdy, you would know that she is not technically of royal blood, as Naboo elects their monarchs).

In one crucial scene, where Senator Amidala is beseeching the Galactic Senate on Coruscant to aid her ailing country, she is seen wearing a particularly striking gown and headdress (pictured below).

For detailed pictures of the costume in question, click here.

The costume designers for this piece have since confirmed that they looked at Mongolian, Tibetan and other traditional Asian fashion styles as inspiration for the costume. Red is a lucky colour in many Asian cultures, the powdered white face is a reference to the esteemed Japanese geisha and is a signal of wealth, and the headdress and voluminous sleeves is a common feature of the Mongolian del and Korean hanbok. (Some say that the spacious sleeves in the Mongolian del are indicative of the shape of a horseshoe).

Most striking, however, is the headdress. The construction is mounted on a ‘close-fitting metallic gold cap’ constructed from copper, plated in gold and other coloured jewels. It is directly inspired by the Mongolian headdress used by women from the Khalkha Mongols tribe, one of the largest ethnic groups in Mongolia today (they comprise an estimated 86% of the modern Mongolian population).

In the Secret History of the Mongols, said to be the oldest surviving literary work of Mongolian history, the anonymous author explains that this odd configuration for women’s hair, styled in place by sheep-fat, represents cow horns. It is a reference to the myth that Khalkha Mongols ‘were the fruit of a love affair between a nature spirit and a cow’, while the jewellery, which accents the protruding ‘horns’, are indicators of wealth.

The use of the headdress for Padmé’s character is also likely to be a nod to the Mongolian tradition of ‘warrior queens.’ Mongol history is peppered with accounts of these fierce women, who ruled the Mongol empire alongside and often in lieu of their male counterparts.

For example, Börte, Chinggis’ Khan’s first wife, capably ruled the Mongol homeland while Chinggis was busy conquering. When Chinggis’ second son and heir to the empire died, Töregene assumed complete power, and relied on Fatima (another incredible woman) and two other female governors, to rule successfully before handing over the empire to her son Guyuk. Referencing such an impressive lineage only bolsters Padmé’s regal credentials.

Cultural Appropriation or Appreciation?

Yet while Star Wars designers certainly reference this legacy in Princess Padmé’s portrayal, it is not clear that they give adequate credit to it. Are these visual imitations of Mongolian history cultural appropriation or appreciation?

Disney, for example, is no stranger to controversy when it comes to questions of cultural appropriation and cultural imperialism. On the one hand, drawing inspiration from the world around you is an important part of the creative process. Nods to certain cultures and their individual experiences can be uplifting, as well as an enriching part of the creative work in question.

On the other hand, the Star Wars franchise makes no effort to mention or reference the experiences of the Mongol culture, other than simply borrowing from the ‘strength’ and unique look of Mongol heritage. Some have gone further, saying that modern movies’ practice of turning to Asian cultures in order to make something seem foreign and ‘exotic’ (George Lucas himself describes Amidala as ‘exotic’ multiple times) is problematic, and potentially laden with ‘Orientalist’ undertones. Instead, they argue, these cultures should be normalised, celebrated, or only authoritatively represented by the custodians of that culture.

So, is this reference to the Mongol legacy laced with admiration and a positive sign of cross-cultural communication that should be encouraged? Or is it an example of an incredibly powerful franchise failing to pay adequate respect to the content, which contributed to that success? At what point does history end and ownership of the creative process begin and are the concepts mutually exclusive? Should Padmé be rightly portrayed as Queen, Senator or Mongolian princess?

 

Four Minutes that Changed a Nation

This is a blog post was written as part of the ANU’s ‘Modern Mongolia’ field course held in Mongolia in July 2019.

Mongolian wrestling relates to judo and sumo as sports. Image credit: Linh Vien Thai, 2003.  CC BY-ND 2.0.

By Maxim Wiggins, ANU.

It’s the 29th of June 2008, the year of a Mongolian election. The country is gripped in political deadlock, as its two main political parties engage in a bitter dispute concerning the recent parliamentary elections. Crippling inflation and the misuse of mining wealth dominate debate in this nation of staggering wealth inequality. The ruling Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party (MRPR) having won in a landslide, face allegations of corruption from the Democratic Party (DP) involving double voter registration. The DP, believing foul play is involved, refuse to concede defeat, despite contradictions from international electoral observers.[1]

It’s the 29th of June 2008, the year of an Olympics. It’s been 44 years since Mongolia first entered the Olympics in 1962, and the country is yet to win a gold medal. At this time, the country has never won a gold medal, a source of constant frustration for the passionate nation.

It’s the 29th June 2008, 430 kilometres away from the capital in the small village of Saikhan, 1400 metres above sea level, Naidan Tuvshinbayar a 24-year-old Mongolian judoka jogs around the verdant, rich hills near his training centre, preparing for his first Olympics in Beijing. With a squat stature and powerful frame, he grapples a fellow compatriot in his training centre.

Two days later, a peaceful protest gathers in Sukhbaatar Square. A place remembered as being the symbol of Mongolia’s non-violent democratic revolution. The crowd become increasingly unruly, violent chants emerge from young men throwing rocks at the MPRP headquarters. As Police respond with tear gas, rioters become destructive, resisting authorities, setting fire to buildings and overturning vehicles. The Central Cultural Palace building erupts into flames, destroying more than 1,000 pieces of artwork.

Unaware of the chaos, Naidan quietly continues his preparations for the games, quietly continues to jog around his training centre and quietly hones his skills.

On the same day, Mongolian President Nambaryn Enkhbayar declares a state of emergency, enforcing military law in Ulaanbaatar’s streets. This is the first time such a declaration had been made in Mongolia’s history. The DP refuse to attend the opening of the new parliament, boycotting all future sittings indefinitely.

The country is in gridlock and its people ashamed at the outbreak of violence.

Mongolia needs a hero.

Fast-forward a month. Beijing welcomes the Olympics. In the glow of the Beijing Science and Technology University Gymnasium, Naidan shocks the previous Olympic champion in his first-round of the judo match. He starts to build momentum, slowly, winning two fights with sudden defeats, including his semi-final. Willed on by a partisan crowd and an entire nation, in four minutes he overcomes Kazakh fighter Ashkat Zhitkeyev to win Mongolia’s first ever Olympic gold medal.

Ulaanbaatar is again set alight, but this time in celebration. Fireworks dominate the skyline and car horns echo into the night. A day later, the two parties’ leaders lock arms at the square in front of the Chinggis Khan statue, singing the national anthem in a unique display of national pride as Naidan is granted the honour of being a Mongolian Labour Hero. Two weeks later, DP representatives reversed their decision of boycotting the parliament and allowed themselves to be sworn into its new session.

The sports fanatic that I am, I am fascinated when visiting foreign countries about the role sport plays in their culture and national psyche. From a sporting perspective, Mongolia perplexes me as a small country with a physically active herding population. Not unlike its painful transition from a soviet to a democratic society, it is in the midst of a sporting transition. Trying to balance both traditional and international sports in a place where many live below the poverty line is no small feat.

Coming from Australia where sporting heroes and achievements are etched into our national folklore, Mongolians place a far higher value on their nomadic sports. The Nadaam Festival and its three traditional “manly sports” is the most anticipated festival in the country, with hundreds of competitors competing in archery, wrestling and horseracing. This links with their nomadic lifestyle, as these skills were an important part of survival in the face of warfare and conflict. However, as the motorbike has started to replace the horse, global sports are starting to encroach on the previously more traditional competitions. Basketball courts reside under dilapidated apartment blocks, recently installed synthetic football pitches allow for all-year round play; this is not to mention the strong Mongolian Olympic sports of judo, wrestling and shooting which have maintained their popularity. Although its sporting infrastructure is significantly in need of funding, its growth emphasizes Mongolia’s transition to greater integration into the international sporting community.

A couple of lessons can be learnt from Naidan’s triumph. Mongolia struggles to have its voice heard between the two immense geopolitical powers of China and Russia. It needs leaders of strength, independence and integrity to navigate its difficult position in the region’s politics. Mongolians take immense pride in the success of their countrymen and women in the sporting arena. It shows them that they can compete with their international rivals in both a sporting sense, giving them hope for this success to translate into other areas. This does not necessarily translate into success, as seen through the exploitation from foreign countries and growing wealth inequality. For me, however, it highlights the power of sport as a tool for future generations of Mongolians to combat current adversities.

Mongolians have always been a strong and resilient people, they now need to learn to believe in themselves as a strong and independent nation.

References

https://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/08/world/asia/08mongolia.html

https://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/14/sports/14iht-olyjudo14.15302568.html

https://www.bbc.com/sport/olympics/18075876

https://www.olympic.org/tuvshinbayar-naidan

https://www.ijf.org/news/show/the-legend-lives-on-as-naidan-wins-gold

Mongolia in 2008: From Mongolia to Mine-golia Asian Survey Vol. 49, No. 1 (January/February 2009), pp. 129-134 (6 pages).

[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/08/world/asia/08mongolia.html

 

Cultural Heritage on the Mongolian Plateau

The festive spirit of the season was interspersed with a touch of Mongolian festivity recently. A photography exhibition was curated by staff from ANU’s Mongolia Institute, in conjunction with a bi-annual Mongolia Update. The exhibition opening and the Mongolia Update was held on two consecutive days, with international delegates from Mongolia and Inner Mongolia attending the exhibition on the first evening, before presenting at the Mongolia Update the following day. The theme of both events was on the significance and importance of cultural heritage across the Mongolian Plateau.

Figure 1: Waiting for mounted archery to commence. Photo credit: Natasha Fijn.

Nomadic Culture and Heritage from the Mongolian Plateau: Mongolia Photography Exhibition

A photography exhibition entitled ‘Nomadic Culture and Heritage from the Mongolian Plateau’ was officially opened from 5–6:30pm on 26 November at the Centre on China in the World Exhibition space. The exhibition was open to the public for just over two weeks.

Four different series of images were showcased in the exhibition. In a photo essay along one wall, Natasha Fijn captured scenes during an international mounted horse archery event on the outskirts of the Mongolian capital, Ulaanbaatar. Li Narangoa, in a complementary series, contributed photographs from scenes at the summer Naadam in Kharhorin; the Mongolian Embassy contributed a series from a collection of photographers, featuring images from across the drier, more arid regions of the Mongolian countryside. The photographs are part of an initiative by the ‘Our Few Mongolians’ organisation. The fourth collection of images were collated by Dr Uchralt Odete, featuring photographs from the cultural heritage site of Xanadu, the former capital of Khubilai Khan’s empire in Inner Mongolia, with contributions from photographers from the region throughout the different seasons.

In conjunction with the Update and the exhibition, a traditional Mongolian home (ger) was set up on the ANU grounds under a grove of gum trees near the Coombs building in celebration of the circular yurt as an icon of Mongolian culture and heritage. The ger was a generous gift from the Mongolian Government to the Mongolia Institute at ANU.

Figure 2: Horse and rider performing in mounted archery event. Photo: Natasha Fijn.

Figure 3. Young archers and horses returning along runway. Photo: Natasha Fijn.

Mongolia Update

The bi-annual Mongolia Update is aimed at informing Australian Government, business and academic specialists, as well as the interested general public, of recent developments and trends in Mongolia’s politics, economics, society, culture and the environment. The 2019 Update was supported by the Embassy of Mongolia, with contributing scholars from The National University of Mongolia and The Inner Mongolia University.

Mongolia-Australia relations and cooperation have been successfully developing thanks to Australia’s growing interest in Mongolia and the reciprocal interest in Australia on the part of Mongolians. The update for 2019 included an analysis of cultural heritage, including the performing arts, literature, nomadic cultural heritage and Mongolian medicine. Unlike the previous four Mongolia Updates, this year included presentations from and on the broader Mongol cultural areas, including Mongolia, Inner Mongolia in China and Buryatia in Russia.

A Welcome to Country, followed by a didjeridoo performance, was followed by Mongolian traditional music played on a horse-head fiddle (morin khuur), a 21-stringed Mongol instrument (Master Yatug-a), accompanied by traditional Mongolian dance. In introducing the Update, Li Narangoa commented on the complementarity between Aboriginal and Mongol music and the joint underlying importance of a connection to the land. At intervals, the performers from the National Grand Drama Theatre of Mongolia played throughout the Update.

Former Minister of Culture, Sport and Tourism and popular author, Oyungerel Tsedevdamba, gave the keynote for the conference, giving an update on the current issues surrounding cultural heritage in Mongolia, nicely setting the scene for the proceeding speakers.

This year, there were two speakers from Inner Mongolia, Erhenbayer, Deputy Vice Chancellor from Inner Mongolia University, who spoke about the preservation of Mongolian literature, while Gereltu spoke about the importance of traditional Mongolian medicine in a framework dominated by modern biomedical practices.

Ariun-Erdene Bayarjargal from the ANU College of Business and Economy gave a presentation on the challenges of a rapidly changing economy to peoples’ lives in Mongolia. Lhagvademchig Jadamba from the National University of Mongolia presented on Buddhism in relation to current perceptions about Mongolian national identity, as well as the broader Buddhist geopolitics across the Asian region.

Gegentuul Baloud, based at Macquarie University, spoke about contemporary Mongolian wedding costumes with regard to performance within the current cultural economy in Inner Mongolia. Recent ANU doctoral graduate, Jonathan Ratcliffe spoke about the epic hero Gesar in relation to the preservation of cultural heritage in Buryatia, Russia. The former Australian Ambassador to Mongolia gave a presentation on the significance of cultural heritage in Mongolia from a diplomatic Australia-Mongolia perspective.

Narantuya Chuluunbat, Deputy Vice Chancellor at the National University of Mongolia, gave the final concluding address, summarising the important themes featured by the other presenters during the conference, while integrating this with her own observations about the current economic situation surrounding cultural heritage implications in Mongolia. The audience consisted of representatives from the Mongolian Embassy, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, diplomatic representatives with an interest in Mongolia, and interested ANU staff and students and academics who engage with Mongolian studies from other Australian universities.

Figure 4: Musicians performing at the Mongolia Update. Photo: Natasha Fijn.

ANU Students in Mongolia 2018. Post No. 4 ‘Echoes of Civilisations’

Echoes of Civilisations: Representing Mongolia’s Cultural History

By Ruben Seaton

Photo: Ruben Seaton. Temples at Erdene Zuu.

The open fields surrounding Kharkhorin (or Karakorum) have seen some remarkable moments in human civilization. Spending time at Erdene Zuu monastery and the site of the former capital of the Mongol Empire provided time to think about the country’s long and rich history. It also prompted questions about how we remember culture.

In the 13th century, Kharkhorin was the centre of the rapidly expanding Mongol Empire. It was a hub for trade, manufacturing, and the exchange of ideas across cultures. Visiting a site of such significance, I was expecting to be able to identify where the beautiful tree sculpture once stood and where mosques existed alongside a church. However, not for the first time on this study tour, my presumptions were misguided.

It was an odd scene: an elevated white concrete platform jutted out from the green landscape, disingenuously representing where the Great Hall once stood in the southwest corner. There was no recovered stonework to be seen; apart from the information boards near a turtle statue, situated beyond the temple on the grassland steppe, there was little to suggest we were standing in what was once the capital of a great empire.

In a strange way, it reminded me of the Shelley poem Ozymandias: a statement of grandeur which had been reduced to less than rubble thanks to human hands and mother nature. Bricks and materials from the city were repurposed to be used for building a monastery. The gradual deterioration of Kharkhorin, through centuries of dry summers and cold winters, was there to be seen.

Buddhist spiritual memory had also been disrupted, but in a profoundly different way. Erdene Zuu monastery and museum was a beautiful but troubling presentation of a rich spiritual history of over 400 years.

Within our intensive course we had been told about the execution of lamas and destruction of holy sites. Back at the library in the ANU, I flicked through a book called ‘Soviet Terrorism in Mongolia’ and thought that the word choice may have been a bit of an exaggeration. However, for me it was then that I really thought about the significance of the actions of the Soviets. High-level monks were killed; mid-level monks were put in jail and low-level monks were sent for ‘re-education.’ From 1937-1944, Erdene Zuu was essentially a ghost town, with monks and visitors too intimidated to return. Looking at the eerie open spaces within Erdene Zuu’s walls, due to the destruction of buildings and monuments, the reality seemed both stark and cruel.

Photo: Ruben Seaton. Dragon decoration.

A thought about sacred and culturally significant sites in Mongolia in general. Coming from Australia – even from the few days I spent in Beijing before arriving – we are used to seeing national monuments and sites maintained in a particular manner: perfectly manicured gardens, shiny displays, new paint jobs. While visiting sites such as Gandan Temple, the Bogd Khan Palace and Erdene Zuu, it was common to hear comments from our class group about the long grass, creaky verandahs and peeling woodwork. The logic behind these observations is understandable: If these sites are so important, why not take better care in presenting and maintaining them?

In thinking about this, I think it’s important to be mindful of imposing our own lived experiences and expectations on other cultures. Sure, the appearance of the sites could be due to lack of attention, or a lack of funds for repairing buildings. But it is more likely is that employees, volunteers and worshippers simply have a different conception of what is important in a sacred or significant site. The aesthetics of a building may be far less important than the spiritual value of what it houses or represents. Keeping short grass probably isn’t a priority for a pastoral nomadic people who rely on livestock to keep pastures low; old and faded paintwork may be a sign of authenticity, not disregard.

I arrived in Ulaanbaatar thinking that the best way to explore a new country was by jogging through its streets and parks, not dawdling through old buildings. However, visiting these sites and reflecting on their significance has been a poignant reminder of what was, of what has been lost and what is being remembered.

 

Photo: Ruben Seaton. Stupas at Kharkhorin.

Further Reading:

The History of the Mongols Podcast: ‘Karakorum’

https://podtail.com/no/podcast/the-history-of-the-mongols/karakorum/

 

New York Times: ‘Bringing a Monastery Back to Life’

https://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/20/arts/20iht-monk20.html

 

William of Rubruck’s Account of the Mongols: ‘XVII: Description of Karakorum’

https://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/rubruck.html#karakorum